Rescue workers in Nicaragua were trying to reach four trapped miners in the gold and silver mine in the country's south-central city of Bonanza, after 22 others were freed.
The Associated Press quotes the country's first lady Rosario Murillo as saying 20 of the miners were rescued on Friday, in addition to two others who escaped a collapse on Thursday.
The AP says:
"Hundreds of relatives and fellow miners had gathered to pray outside the mine as rescuers lined up several ladders along a 200-foot long tunnel leading toward where the men were trapped. The mine cuts into the side of a mountain and then goes upward.
"Commander Javier Amaya of the rescue team said the rescue plan involved groups 'of five or 10 miners entering the mine on wooden ladders, tying themselves off and going in until they reach them.'"
The day he was booked, Texas Gov. Rick Perry gave a big smile for his mug shot — which was then printed up on t-shirts to demonstrate just what a farce he thought the indictment was. In a press conference, the scorn dripped from Perry's voice as he took up the sword — defender, not of himself, but of the state's constitution.
"We don't settle political differences with indictments in this country," he said. "It is outrageous that some would use partisan political theatrics to rip away at the very fabric of our state's constitution."
Perry has been pushing back hard against allegations he misused the power of his office. Texas's longest serving governor is indicted on charges he tried to coerce the Austin district attorney into resigning by threatening to veto part of her office's funding if she didn't.
Perry has fired up his base, but like it or not his future will be decided not in the court of public opinion but inside the Texas legal system. So after the initial week-long artillery volley, Tony Buzbee, Perry's lead lawyer, is taking a softer tone.
"I think we're taking it seriously, and we're going to defend it in court," Buzbee says. "We're going to be careful about not attempting to try the case in the press. But I think it raises very serious constitutional issues; it raises issues with regard to the constitutional right of the governor to veto legislation."
The case revolves around Perry's attempt to oust Travis County District Attorney Rosemary Lehmberg after she had an embarrassing drunk-driving conviction. At the time, Lehmberg's Public Integrity Unit was in the middle of a corruption investigation involving a state agency near to Perry's heart.
The Cancer Prevention Research Institute of Texas hands out billions of dollars in state grants to recruit cancer research and biotech companies to Texas. But the agency was accused of dolling out grants to companies whose owners were better known for giving campaign contributions to Perry and Texas Attorney General Gregg Abbott.
That's why, when Perry said he'd veto the Public Integrity Unit's budget if Lehmberg didn't resign immediately, it raised a few eyebrows. After all, the governor would have picked her replacement.
As it played out, Lehmberg refused to resign and Perry vetoed her budget, and those actions brought the indictment — coercion of a public official.
But the governor's lawyer argues it doesn't matter what Perry threatened or when he threatened it. If he wants to veto the PIU's budget, he's allowed: It's an appropriation, and he's the governor.
"To suggest that if he says something before the veto vs. after it, that that's coercion, is criminalizing something that the governor is frankly required to do under the constitution," Buzbee says.
Where do you draw the line between permissible influence and illegal coercion of a public official? Is there one? Retired state district judge John Cruzeot believes there is a line and that Perry may have crossed it when he both made his veto threats to Lehmberg and then carried them out.
"For example, had he never said anything at all about her, about her DWI, and just vetoed that particular legislation for the funds, you and I wouldn't be having this conversation right now," Cruzeot says.
Cruzeot thinks Perry's threat raises the question of coercion, and that a Texas jury should hear the case.
But the case may never even get to trial, says Southern Methodist University criminal law professor Chris Jenks.
"I believe that a Texas court likely wants nothing to do with this case for a variety of reasons," Jenks says. "This case represents separation of powers issues. I do think there are both free speech and a constitutionally over-broad statute."
Earlier this week, lawyers for the governor filed a writ arguing the charges are unconstitutional and asking for them to be dismissed. A judge is expected to rule on that application in the next few weeks.
In Shelbyville, Tenn., the Tennessee walking horse is an icon and a way of life. For 10 nights in August, thousands of fans cheer from their box seats as well-manicured horses prance around a dirt oval track.
But the 75-year-old tradition has come under a cloud. Animal rights groups say the most spectacular high-stepping comes from inflicting pain on the horse. Congress has chimed in, and the walking horse industry is trying to show it's cracking down.
The 'Big Lick'
When Tennessee walking horses show off their smooth, high-stepping gait, their powerful back legs swing forward, reaching well beyond their front hooves. Those front hooves then kick up and out, with the knees reaching above the horses' chests, while the horses shake their heads in cadence.
Mike Inman, director of the annual Tennessee Walking Horse Celebration, says the unmistakable gait comes naturally. "That's what they do," he says. "It is actually in their genetics. No other breed has that, which is what separates this walking horse."
But for years, trainers have been pushing horses well past genetics to get that eye-catching step called the "big lick." One banned practice is called "soring." Trainers make tiny cuts on a horse's ankles and splash diesel fuel or mustard oil on them. The pain is believed to make the horse step even higher.
The Humane Society of the United States has been trying to end soring for years. "This is an industry that has been based for over 40 years on intentional infliction of pain and cruelty to animals," says Keith Dane, the organization's equine specialist. "And it's so widespread in the 'big lick' segment of this industry that it's got to stop."
Soring was outlawed by Congress in the '70s, but enforcement has been spotty. The Humane Society has gotten fresh traction with new legislation that would give more teeth to the law; dozens of members of Congress from both sides of the aisle have signed on, but it's been fought to a standstill by the industry.
On The Watch For Horses In Pain
Trainer Sylvester Skierkowski, watching his horses go through some final paces before competition, says he's worked with horses that have won "just about every class" at the Celebration.
There's money at stake, though not huge sums. The top prize was $15,000 last year. Skierkowski says it's really about being named "World Grand Champion." He helped train one in the late '70s.
"We worked more keeping that son of a gun sound than we did trying to hurt him," Skierkowski says.
Still, there have been some high-profile soring cases. Just two years ago, one trainer was indicted on more than 50 counts of abuse.
"Nobody is denying that there are people that will try to game the system in any competition," says Celebration director Inman. "But the best way to make it so they can't game the competition is through objective testing."
This year, for the first time, the Celebration will use blood tests to screen for pain killers that may have been used to mask that a horse is hurting, and X-rays to find other banned practices, like shoeing horses so tightly that they step higher out of pain.
Dr. Jerry Johnson, who chairs this new enforcement panel, says, "We feel like now, with what we're doing, that they're really going to have to clean up their act, because I think we can really get a handle on just about anything they can come up with."
But Dane, the Humane Society's equine specialist, is skeptical. "This looks like one more attempt by the Celebration to try — at the 11th hour — to suggest that they are serious about reform and about protecting the horses," he says.
He points out that results of the drug tests will take three weeks to get back, well after everyone's gone home.
As The Horse Owners See It
In Shelbyville, the Humane Society is widely seen as an unrelenting pest. Leading her horse to its stall, Lauren Hamilton suggests the organization should move on to a different issue.
"Race horses — they're falling out on the track," she says. "Do you see these horses die out there? That's when I get upset."
But even among walking horse owners, there are a few voices calling for an end to the obsession with exaggerated high-stepping. Van Barnes competes in what's called the "flat shod" division. He says those horses don't have a problem getting through inspection, but in order for the walking horse industry to survive, trainers, owners and fans are going to have to move away from the "big lick."
"I think for the industry to survive, you're going to have to," Barnes says.
If it's any indication, at this year's Celebration, the number of horses competing is down at least 10 percent. So is attendance — even after ticket prices were slashed.
The National Museum of American History ... or Herstory ... or Everybodystory — whatever you feel it should be called — is expanding its collection of objects and archival materials representing the history of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Americans.
In public remarks in mid-August, museum director John Gray said, "The pursuit of civil rights in America is a story line woven throughout our history. It is a tale of struggle and accomplishment as the nation strives to fulfill its ideals. We believe that if we express the one story of America — inclusive, dynamic, and complex — the American public can be more responsible for and more engaged in our nation."
Curator Katherine Ott of the museum's Division of Medicine and Science tells NPR, "Part of my curatorial responsibility is to document contemporary issues and cover the diversity of the American experience."
Cultural change in this country surrounding LGBT issues "has been incredibly rapid," Katherine says. "So much has been happening. Not only is it much easier to collect LGBT materials today than it was even five years ago, it is no longer controversial to discuss the LGBT collecting that we have been doing for many years."
Among the historical objects taken in by the museum: a tennis racket used by transgender pioneer Renee Richards, the passports of former U.S. Ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa David Huebner and his spouse, Duane McWaine, and these things:
The first transgender pride flag. Designed in 1999 by transgender rights activist Monica Helms. According to the museum, "the flag's stripes represent the traditional pink and blue associated with girls and boys and white for intersex, transitioning or of undefined gender."
Costume from the DC Cowboys Dance Company, a gay male, nonprofit dance group based in Washington, D.C., that performed between 1994 and 2012.
A limited edition Al Hirschfeld caricature of the principal cast members of Will & Grace, a TV show that aired on NBC from 1998 to 2006 and featured gay characters.
According to the museum, these donations will rest alongside the museum's trove of more than 3 million entries. An NMAH press release stated that "the museum's LGBT collections date back to the 19th century. Objects in the collections include a selection of protest signs from gay civil rights activist Frank Kameny, materials relating to the military's Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy, Billie Jean King's tennis dress and HIV and AIDS-related lab equipment and medications."
The museum points out that it "has also collected materials that express opposition to LGBT issues, including protest posters associated with the Westboro Baptist Church, a copy of The Anita Bryant Story and materials in opposition to gay marriage."
The Protojournalist: Experimental storytelling for the LURVers — Listeners, Users, Readers, Viewers — of NPR. @NPRtpj
The United States Department of Labor recently published a report with a detailed breakdown of the different economic outcomes that various Asian-Americans and Pacific Islanders have faced.
As a group, the report points out, "AAPI workers have had more favorable economic outcomes than workers in any other racial group." But the report is a good reminder that each of the ethnic groups within the monolithic umbrella of "Asian-Americans" is vastly different, with varying financial circumstances and degrees of educational attainment.
This report is a follow-up to a similar report from 2011. While some of the 2011 report's findings were widely reported, a few of the details in this more recent update stuck out to us (emphasis ours):
o "Overall, 53.4 percent of Asians over the age of 25 have a bachelor's degree or higher — the highest percentage by far among the major race groups."
o "The AAPI community has the second highest share of unemployed workers who are long-term unemployed (41.7 percent) ... Asian Americans who are unemployed, are without work for longer than whites and Hispanics."
o "When controlled for age, sex and educational attainment, unemployment rate for Indians is actually higher than comparable whites. This difference suggests that the Indian community as a whole tends to be more educated, but when looking at similarly situated white workers, their employment outcomes are less favorable."
o "More Filipino women are employed (57.1 percent) than any other community; Indians had the smallest share of employed women (36.8 percent.)"
o "Like other predominantly immigrant groups, members of the AAPI community also tend to have a lower median age than the overall population (Asian 33.6, Pacific Islanders 27.4, and U.S. overall 37.6)."
o "Within the AAPI community, the Vietnamese, 'Other Asian,' and Chinese groups have the highest percentage of high school dropouts (29.3, 22.3 and 18.4 percent respectively) and all have a higher percentage than the white community (13.0 percent). On the other hand, the Japanese, Korean, and Filipino groups have the lowest percentage of members with less than a high school diploma (4.8, 7.1, and 7.4 percent respectively)."
o "The official poverty measure for the AAPI community as a whole is 12.1 percent, which is still much lower than black (27.2 percent) and Hispanic (25.6 percent) measures, but closer than might be expected to the white official poverty levels (12.7 percent)." But as the report notes, "The official poverty measure (OPM), however, has well known flaws that may particularly distort comparisons of AAPI poverty to that of other racial groups."